Category: Politics

I posted a list of all the candidates running in Limerick City, together with a list of questions. Only three candidates responded: James Gaffney, Jan O’Sullivan and Michael Noonan. Here are their answers.

James Gaffney, Green Party

1. How seriously should we take climate change, and what specific policy measures do you think we should take to combat climate change? I’m particularly interested in measures you think that might slow economic growth in the short term but which would have long-term positive effects for our country.

We are the first generation to feel the effects of Climate Change, and the last who can do anything meaningful about it.

The need to address long-term problems, such as climate change, is an overarching value of the Green Party. We support the enactment of national legislation to respond to climate change and transition to a low-carbon, climate-resilient economy. This will reduce our over-dependence on imported sources of fossil fuel energy. Global events related to extreme weather, such as storms and droughts, could compromise our food security and lead to increased immigration into Ireland by ‘climate refugees’.

By 2050, Ireland’s power, heat and transport systems should no longer rely on fossil fuels and our agricultural system should achieve carbon neutrality. This is technologically possible, and would result in greater employment, energy efficiency, security, an improved economy, and improved public health, in addition to contributing to a healthier climate
We need to establish ambitious but realistic binding national greenhouse gas emission reduction targets for 2030 and aim for 100% decarbonisation of the power system and an 80% overall reduction in national emissions by 2050

You mention measures that might slow economic growth in the short-term, however I believe that an Irish economy that is carbon-neutral will be a stronger one. The €5.7 billion a year that we spend on fossil fuels could be kept in our economy rather than going to oil-producing nations. We will also gain a competitive advantage from moving faster than other nations on climate change.

2. Our regional towns and cities are suffering. Here in Limerick we’ve seen our city as well as the villages in our county undermined by ribbon-development and one-off housing in the countryside. How do you think we should balance people’s desires to build where they want, with the need for better planning that avoids sprawl and strengthens our villages, towns and cities?

We need a National Spatial Plan with climate change as a foundation stone.  Any plan that relies on fossil fuels as the driver of an economy will see us falling behind, as the rest of the world switches to a cleaner renewable future. Any plan that thinks Ireland can set the course of our own destiny without an appreciation of global trends is fraught with risk.

In my manifesto I talk about the need for a Regional Authority which would have responsibility for leading on a spatial plan for the Mid-West that would focus on Limerick City as a destination for families and businesses.

The only plan that can succeed is a truly long term one.

Our new national plan puts proper spatial planning at its core. Where we think ahead and plan our public infrastructure so that people from all over Ireland can live and work where there are services and communities. Where we focus on what we can do best at home – in tourism, agri-food, energy, manufacturing and new digital services; where we restore the traditional values of banking to every part of the country so we support sustainable, well paid jobs.
Ours is an investment plan for the next generation.

This election debate is about much more than the fiscal space. It is about the public space.
Whoever is in power in the next Dáil will put resources into the areas that they value. So that’s the question people need to ask of themselves and of politicians as we near polling day.

3. Do you agree with tougher sentencing for criminals, or more rehabilitation? I’m particularly interested in your position on how we should approach drug addiction within the justice system.

We need an after prison support system, with one agency coordinating fully integrated supports for accommodation, education, employment.

We should increase crime preventative measures, e.g. increasing the age limit for the application of the Garda Youth Diversion to 18-24 year olds.

On drug addiction, I feel strongly that this is a medical issue, not a criminal justice issue.

Jan O’Sullivan, Labour Party

1. How seriously should we take climate change, and what specific policy measures do you think we should take to combat climate change? I’m particularly interested in measures you think that might slow economic growth in the short term but which would have long-term positive effects for our country.

I think climate change is one of the most serious issues facing the global population today. During my time as Minister for Trade and Overseas Development Aid I saw at first hand the damage it visits on some of the poorest communities on the planet. I was also proud to work with NGOs and Departmental officials to ensure that tackling climate change had a central role in our Overseas Development Aid policy.

Of course climate change is not just an issue that effects the developing world. Long-term analysis of data demonstrates that our climate is warming with all that this entails, including rising sea levels.

I fully support the climate change legislation that was passed (with all-party support) in the Oireachtas last December. The statutory frameworks established by that legislation (including five yearly national mitigation plans and five yearly national adaptation frameworks) will provide a clear roadmap on what we need to do to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and also the steps we need to take to plan for a changing climate.

The legislation will also establish the Climate Change Advisory Council on a statutory basis.
In relation to economic growth I don’t think the issue actually revolves around the rate of economic growth. I think that all activity needs to be sustainable and that smart, green solutions can ensure that economic growth and job creation can go hand-in-hand with good environmental practices.

2. Our regional towns and cities are suffering. Here in Limerick we’ve seen our city as well as the villages in our county undermined by ribbon-development and one-off housing in the countryside. How do you think we should balance people’s desires to build where they want, with the need for better planning that avoids sprawl and strengthens our villages, towns and cities?

The points you raise are very valid. Poor planning decisions can blight a community for decades, even generations.

Planning and development needs to be driven by a long-term vision for a community – not just the demands of one particular sector.

As a former Minister for Housing and Planning I think my track record shows I deliver on these principles.

I oversaw a process that dezoned land which could have accommodated more than 500,000 houses. This was done to limit urban sprawl and to ensure that future development is concentrated in our towns and villages.

Also, in my first nine months as Minister I used my powers under Section 31 of the Planning and Development Act on three occasions to overturn decisions contrary to good planning. The specific issues involved zoning for development on flood plains, in areas isolated from towns and zoning that threatened wildlife habitats. In the 10 years before I took office this power was only used eight times.

I also dedicated a significant amount of time and energy to tackling the legacy of unfinished housing developments across the country, a process that has resulted in a 75% reduction in the number of these estates over the past five years.

In my opinion that Development Plan is the most powerful tool to ensure proper planning and development. New planning legislation which is in the pipeline will establish a planning regulator which I fully support. In addition to its investigative functions the regulator will have an education role which I think is vital. At local authority level and in our communities we need to have the knowledge and tools to make locally-based, informed decisions about plans that will impact on our community for decades.

3. Do you agree with tougher sentencing for criminals, or more rehabilitation? I’m particularly interested in your position on how we should approach drug addiction within the justice system.

 

I support judicial discretion in sentencing. While sometimes this can be frustrating I acknowledge that judges hear all the facts of a case during trial and post-conviction details and I think that they are best placed to decide on the length of sentence.

I also fully support acknowledging the medical as well as the criminal aspect of addiction and that this needs to be tackled if individuals and communities are to get relief from the tragedy that alcohol and drug addiction can inflict.

In that regard I have supported my colleague Minister Aodhan O’Riordain’s efforts to establish safe facilities for those who are addicted to drugs where they can also come in contact with services that can assist them.

Michael Noonan, Fine Gael

1. How seriously should we take climate change, and what specific policy measures do you think we should take to combat climate change? I’m particularly interested in measures you think that might slow economic growth in the short term but which would have long-term positive effects for our country.

2. Our regional towns and cities are suffering. Here in Limerick we’ve seen our city as well as the villages in our county undermined by ribbon-development and one-off housing in the countryside. How do you think we should balance people’s desires to build where they want, with the need for better planning that avoids sprawl and strengthens our villages, towns and cities?

3. Do you agree with tougher sentencing for criminals, or more rehabilitation? I’m particularly interested in your position on how we should approach drug addiction within the justice system.

I attach a copy of the Fine Gael Election Manifesto which I trust clarifies the matters you have raised in your correspondence.

There will be a general election in February 2016.

In Limerick City, there are currently 8 people looking for our vote.

If we don’t ask questions about things that are important to us, we let the media and focus groups do the asking for us.

I know politics is boring for most people but here are 3 very quick things you can do to exercise your democratic rights:

1. Check that you’re registered to vote (and remember to vote of course!)
2. Take the smartvote.ie quiz which attempts to match you to candidates based on your response to certain questions
3. Email the candidates in your constituency with questions about issues that are important to you.

Here are the email addresses of all the candidates running in Limerick City (alphabetical order!), all nicely formatted so you can paste it into your email client

James Gaffney Green Party <[email protected]>,
Sarah Jane Hennelly Social Democrats <[email protected]>,
Michael Noonan Fine Gael <[email protected]>,
Willie O’Dea Fianna Fail <[email protected]>,
Kieran O’Donnell Fine Gael <[email protected]>,
Jan O’Sullivan Labour <[email protected]>,
Cian Prendiville Anti Austerity Alliance <[email protected]>,
Maurice Quinlivan Sinn Fein <[email protected]>

Or, here’s an email link that should open in your email client, with the To: and Subject: fields filled out for you.

 

Even though I’ve decided on my first preference, I still have to rank everyone else from 2 to 8. I’ve done similar emails in previous elections and the responses have really helped me to decide how to vote.

Here’s my email (I’ll update this post with any responses)

Hi there,

I’m emailing you because you’re running for election in Limerick City. In case you don’t get chance to call to our house in Farranshone, I’d like to ask you a few questions (plus, this way we both get to keep warm and dry!):

1. Climate Change:
   How seriously should we take climate change, and what specific policy measures do you think we should take to combat climate change? I’m particularly interested in measures you think that might slow economic growth in the short term but which would have long-term positive effects for our country.
2. Our villages, towns and cities:
   Our regional towns and cities are suffering. Here in Limerick we’ve seen our city as well as the villages in our county undermined by ribbon-development and one-off housing in the countryside. How do you think we should balance people’s desires to build where they want, with the need for better planning that avoids sprawl and strengthens our villages, towns and cities?
3. Crime:
   Do you agree with tougher sentencing for criminals, or more rehabilitation? I’m particularly interested in your position on how we should approach drug addiction within the justice system.

Thanks in advance for taking the time to answer my questions, and wishing you the very best of luck on the campaign trail,

Thomas.

Politics is a minority sport in some ways. Less than 2% of Irish people are members of a political party. I’m one of those wonks, paying my membership dues to the Irish Green Party for the last 9 years.

I blame my wife for joining. It was the day after the election in 2007, and as the early tallies were coming in, it was clear that Bertie Ahern’s Fianna Fail had won a spectacular electoral comeback. The Greens, who we’d voted for, had a disappointing election, retaining its representation of 6 Dáil seats. We were disgusted that populist politics had won out once again.  “Right, that’s it”, I was told as my wife stormed in the door. “We’re doing something about this.  We’re joining the Greens”.

I remember the first few meetings we went to in Dublin, before we moved to Limerick.  What struck me about my fellow members was the ways they were so different from each other: I remember solicitors discussing the intricacies of public transport routes with chefs: youth workers arguing about primary health care with software developers. Despite their differences I could see a huge amount in common: the commitment to evidence-based policies; the strong sense that every political change should decrease inequality; a desire to do the right thing in the long-term, even if it wasn’t popular in the short.

I stated earlier that politics is a minority sport, I also think that sometimes we treat politics too much like a sport.  Far too often media covers politics in the manner of which ‘team’ is doing better than another; partisans flood social media with reasons why their side is better than the other shower; soundbites from leaders dominate the discourse.

Yet politics can and should be about something else: the ideas which will shape the future of our society; the collective priorities we want to emphasise;  the rewarding of work and the protection of those who cannot.

And the big one: climate change – the one area where I fear the Irish political system’s tendency to short-termism and populism will lead to significant hardship for future generations.

Between local and national campaigns, next month’s general election will be my fourth time knocking on doors for Green candidates, this time for the fantastic candidate we have running in Limerick City, James Gaffney.  James represents everything I joined the Green Party for: thoughtful, respectful, not afraid to campaign on unpopular issues if they represent the right long-term vision for our country. I know there are many who are pessimistic about the power of politics to change things, but I’ll be knocking on the doors of the voters in Limerick City over the next two months with the firm belief that the Green Party offers a long term vision for a sustainable future.

We Won’t Pay. That’s the slogan of the Right2Water movement, who are opposed to any water charges for residential households. Thousands of people marched in Dublin recently under the this banner, one of a series of protests since Ireland announced it was going to be one of the last rich countries to introduce water charges. It is clear that the introduction of water charges has made people very angry indeed.

I’ve spoken to friends of mine whose opinions I deeply respect, who plan not to pay their water charges. I’ve read the arguments of people who think water charges are wrong, and although they are wide ranging (fears about privatisation, claims that we already pay for water, accusations of waste), they can all be summarised under the effectively concise slogan: “We Won’t Pay”.

I think they’re wrong. And that is a deeply unpopular thought to have.

I don’t think there is a single person who would agree that the current system introduced is problem-free. But I find the “We Won’t Pay” mantra deeply troubling. It represents such a depressing and nihilistic view of what we can accomplish together.

Most people agree that our water infrastructure is pretty awful in this country. We were cutting off the water supply in our capital city because reserves were so low. The water supply has been undrinkable in certain parts of the country for years. There’s a phrase that pops up with depressing regularity in Irish politics: “decades of underinvestment”, which is certainly true of our water supply. I think the reason for this comes down to our attitude towards the State and its capacity to make things better for its citizens.

Rewind to 1977, when we had a General Election. The party then in opposition, Fianna Fáil, didn’t think that it had a chance of winning thanks to some creative gerrymandering of constituencies by the Fine Gael/Labour government (christened the Tullymander). Perhaps because of this, their manifesto was deeply populist and fiscally irresponsible. Included were commitments to abolish local taxation (‘rates’) and motor tax, resulting in a massive and unexpected majority for Fianna Fail. Because this resulted in a large loss of income for local authorities who were responsible for, amongst other things, water supply and sewerage, we are left now with a water system that is not fit for purpose. Of course the difference could have been made up at any time in subsequent decades by an increase in investment at a national level, successive governments ignored long-term infrastructure in favour of policies that would directly increase the cash in voters’ pockets.

It is pretty much universally acknowledged that the 1977 Fianna Fáil manifesto was a disaster for the country. But forty years later we are still holding the same attitudes, which are neatly summed up as “We Won’t Pay”: receive the most you can from government, and pay the least. This is reinforced by an attitude that government is filled with corrupt, venal individuals who must be trusted as little as possible.

“We Won’t Pay” strikes me as appallingly reductionist. It gives us no hope that we can work together as a country to improve equality in this generation, and improve opportunity for future generations. We are so focused on paying as little as possible that we give up so many opportunities to make things better.

Paying for water is a good thing. It allows us to spend more on our water infrastructure, preventing waste in the mains supply. The introduction of domestic metering has allowed us to identify waste inside our homes, as well as providing valuable employment across the country. Could we pay for water in a better way? Of course. Personally I’d like to see greater incentives for conservation, and an investigation of ways that we can make water charges less regressive to people on low incomes. But to dismiss the very concept of charging for water with the phrase “We Won’t Pay” means we’re left with a peculiarly right-wing (pay less taxes and charges, don’t trust the government) view of the world which leaves us with leaks, contamination, and the unappealing prospect of draining water from the River Shannon to meet the water needs of our capital.

The attitude of “We Won’t Pay”, means that we will get governments who prioritise the short term over the long term, who will pursue populism over justice, and who will continue to store up problems for future generations to deal with. Deeply unpopular it may be, but I believe that paying for water is a good thing.

Thank you to the amazing volunteers on the YesEquality Limerick team who worked so hard to tally almost every box of votes!

This tally is also available as a .csv file, which can be opened in a spreadsheet.

The tally for the Limerick constituency (county) is also available.

Box	% YES	Turnout	Yes	No	Spoilt	EA
Parteen NS 1	61%	41	25	16	0	Killaloe
Parteen NS 2		0	0	0	0	Killaloe
Parteen NS 3	68%	394	267	125	2	Killaloe
Scout Hall Shannon Banks 1	67%	451	295	145	11	Killaloe
Scout Hall Shannon Banks 2	66%	454	300	152	2	Killaloe
Scout Hall Shannon Banks 3		0	0	0	0	Killaloe
JF Kennedy NS 1	60%	283	169	114	0	Limerick City North
JF Kennedy NS 2	56%	373	207	165	1	Limerick City North
JF Kennedy NS 3	61%	436	266	167	3	Limerick City North
JF Kennedy NS 4	63%	441	276	163	2	Limerick City North
JF Kennedy NS 5		0	0	0	0	Limerick City North
JF Kennedy NS 6	52%	387	201	182	4	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 1	71%	192	124	51	17	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 2	62%	226	139	87	0	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 3	64%	356	226	129	1	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 4	61%	383	230	150	3	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 5	60%	441	261	173	7	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 6	62%	272	165	103	4	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 7	63%	317	191	114	12	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 8	65%	319	203	108	8	Limerick City North
Caherdavin Girls NS 9	64%	403	253	145	5	Limerick City North
Corpus Christi NS 1	70%	258	179	77	2	Limerick City North
Corpus Christi NS 2	72%	252	179	69	4	Limerick City North
Corpus Christi NS 3	70%	106	72	31	3	Limerick City North
Ballynanty Girls NS	72%	379	271	107	1	Limerick City North
St. Lelia’s NS Kileely 1	71%	328	228	94	6	Limerick City North
St. Lelia’s NS Kileely 2	65%	292	186	102	4	Limerick City North
Unitas Club High Road 1	59%	312	182	126	4	Limerick City North
Unitas Club High Road 2		0	0	0	0	Limerick City North
Hassett’s Cross CBS 1	61%	222	135	87	0	Limerick City North
Hassett’s Cross CBS 2	58%	256	146	106	4	Limerick City North
St. Munchin’s Temp Hall	57%	296	167	125	4	Limerick City North
St. Mary’s G Sch Bishop St 1	66%	127	82	42	3	Limerick City North
St. Mary’s G Sch Bishop St 2	68%	246	159	75	12	Limerick City North
St. Mary’s G Sch Bishop St 3	55%	200	109	91	0	Limerick City North
Scoil Ide 1	68%	253	171	82	0	Limerick City North
Scoil Ide 2	75%	333	250	83	0	Limerick City North
Scoil Ide 3	61%	408	246	160	2	Limerick City North
Scoil Ide 4	68%	292	198	92	2	Limerick City North
Scoil Ide 5	56%	306	172	133	1	Limerick City North
Scoil Ide 6	60%	326	190	128	8	Limerick City North
St. Patrick’s Boys NS 1	74%	293	214	75	4	Limerick City North
St. Patrick’s Boys NS 2	69%	243	166	75	2	Limerick City North
St. Patrick’s Boys NS 3	66%	233	154	79	0	Limerick City North
St. Johns GNS & Boys Sch 1	64%	309	196	112	1	Limerick City East
St. Johns GNS & Boys Sch 2	64%	320	200	114	6	Limerick City East
St. John Baptist Killalee 1	55%	157	85	70	2	Limerick City East
St. John Baptist Killalee 2	58%	201	115	82	4	Limerick City East
St. John Baptist Killalee 3	68%	287	191	90	6	Limerick City East
St. Brigid’s NS Singland 1	68%	314	213	99	2	Limerick City East
St. Brigid’s NS Singland 2	62%	347	215	131	1	Limerick City East
St. Brigid’s NS Singland 3	64%	250	161	89	0	Limerick City East
St. Brigid’s NS Singland 4	59%	307	180	125	2	Limerick City East
St. Brigid’s NS Singland 5	63%	312	192	114	6	Limerick City East
St. Brigid’s NS Singland 6	63%	367	225	134	8	Limerick City East
St. Enda’s Community Sch 1	64%	212	135	76	1	Limerick City East
St. Enda’s Community Sch 2	64%	164	103	59	2	Limerick City East
St. Enda’s Community Sch 3	78%	299	231	65	3	Limerick City East
Southill NS	68%	201	130	60	11	Limerick City East
Presentation Galvone	64%	372	238	134	0	Limerick City East
Gaelscoil Seoirse 1	63%	135	84	50	1	Limerick City East
Gaelscoil Seoirse 2	61%	120	72	47	1	Limerick City East
Our Lady QoP NS O’Donog 1	58%	314	179	130	5	Limerick City East
Our Lady QoP NS O’Donog 2	60%	321	192	127	2	Limerick City East
Our Lady QoP NS O’Donog 3	65%	277	179	96	2	Limerick City East
Presentation NS Sexton St 3	60%	257	151	102	4	Limerick City East
Presentation NS Sexton St 4	55%	141	78	63	0	Limerick City East
Donoughmore NS	56%	387	216	168	3	Limerick City East
Ahane NS	60%	370	223	146	1	Limerick City East
Lisnagry NS 1	65%	280	183	97	0	Limerick City East
Lisnagry NS 2	63%	431	265	158	8	Limerick City East
Castleconnell NS 1	68%	349	234	111	4	Limerick City East
Castleconnell NS 2	71%	352	249	103	0	Limerick City East
Castleconnell NS 3	64%	376	239	132	5	Limerick City East
Castleconnell NS 4	65%	276	179	95	2	Limerick City East
Milford NS 1	72%	226	160	61	5	Limerick City East
Milford NS 2	61%	240	145	94	1	Limerick City East
Milford NS 3	64%	286	182	102	2	Limerick City East
Milford NS 4	58%	281	160	117	4	Limerick City East
Milford NS 5	53%	258	136	120	2	Limerick City East
Montpelier Comm Ctr	58%	146	84	60	2	Limerick City East
Monaleen NS 1	76%	390	291	93	6	Limerick City East
Monaleen NS 2	79%	434	343	89	2	Limerick City East
Monaleen NS 3	68%	374	251	116	7	Limerick City East
Monaleen NS 4	70%	355	243	106	6	Limerick City East
Bohermore NS	68%	301	206	95	0	Limerick City East
Gaelscoil Caladh an Treo 1	69%	382	264	118	0	Limerick City East
Gaelscoil Caladh an Treo 2	75%	349	260	88	1	Limerick City East
Gaelscoil Caladh an Treo 3	74%	327	241	86	0	Limerick City East
Gaelscoil Caladh an Treo 4	65%	369	235	126	8	Limerick City East
Roxborough NS	59%	109	64	45	0	Limerick City East
OLOL CSG Ballinacurra 3	66%	67	44	23	0	Limerick City East
OLOL CSG Ballinacurra 1	56%	414	228	182	4	Limerick City West
OLOL CSG Ballinacurra 2		0	0	0	0	Limerick City West
OLOL CSG Ballinacurra 4	62%	173	106	66	1	Limerick City West
Scoil Mathair Dé 1	62%	354	219	135	0	Limerick City West
Scoil Mathair Dé 2	56%	343	190	151	2	Limerick City West
Scoil Mathair Dé 3	54%	226	119	103	4	Limerick City West
Model NS 1	61%	248	147	95	6	Limerick City West
Model NS 2	62%	222	136	84	2	Limerick City West
St. Michael’s NS 1	62%	259	160	98	1	Limerick City West
St. Michael’s NS 2	52%	217	111	104	2	Limerick City West
St. Michael’s NS 3	64%	280	178	99	3	Limerick City West
Presentation NS Sexton St 1	77%	95	72	22	1	Limerick City West
Presentation NS Sexton St 2	58%	93	54	39	0	Limerick City West
St. Paul’s NS Dooradoyle 1	67%	375	251	124	0	Limerick City West
St. Paul’s NS Dooradoyle 2	64%	368	233	133	2	Limerick City West
St. Paul’s NS Dooradoyle 3	68%	349	238	111	0	Limerick City West
St. Paul’s NS Dooradoyle 4	58%	359	207	150	2	Limerick City West
St. Paul’s NS Dooradoyle 5	61%	364	216	139	9	Limerick City West
St. Paul’s NS Dooradoyle 6	59%	405	236	166	3	Limerick City West
Co. Library Dooradoyle 1	74%	477	352	125	0	Limerick City West
Co. Library Dooradoyle 2	55%	278	152	126	0	Limerick City West
Co. Library Dooradoyle 3	65%	408	261	142	5	Limerick City West
St. Nessan’s NS 1	62%	481	293	178	10	Limerick City West
St. Nessan’s NS 2	60%	477	285	190	2	Limerick City West
St. Nessan’s NS 3	63%	434	274	158	2	Limerick City West
St. Nessan’s NS 4	63%	392	247	145	0	Limerick City West
St. Nessan’s NS 5	65%	424	273	148	3	Limerick City West
St. Nessan’s NS 6	66%	499	331	168	0	Limerick City West

Thank you to the amazing volunteers on the YesEquality Limerick team who worked so hard to tally almost every box of votes!

This tally is also available as a .csv file, which can be opened in a spreadsheet.

Box	% YES	Turnout	Yes	No	Spoilt	EA
Roxborough NS 1	53%	442	233	203	6	Castleconnell (W)
Roxborough NS 2	57%	56	32	24	0	Castleconnell (W)
Ballybrown NS 1	56%	243	135	107	1	Adare (W)
Ballybrown NS 2	60%	299	180	118	1	Adare (W)
Ballybrown NS 3	52%	392	200	184	8	Adare (W)
Patrickswell NS 1	52%	293	150	138	5	Adare (W)
Patrickswell NS 2	56%	271	147	116	8	Adare (W)
Patrickswell NS 3	57%	211	119	90	2	Adare (W)
Killinure NS	59%	279	163	113	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Anglesborough NS	56%	306	170	136	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Ballylanders NS 1	60%	258	156	102	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Ballylanders NS 2	66%	156	103	53	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Galbally Comm Ctr 1	52%	237	122	112	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Galbally Comm Ctr 2	58%	266	142	104	20	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Ardpatrick Comm Ctr	48%	259	124	135	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilmallock Girls NS 1	46%	250	113	132	5	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilmallock Girls NS 2	52%	286	144	134	8	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilmallock Girls NS 3	50%	235	115	115	5	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilmallock Girls NS 4	52%	174	87	80	7	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Athlacca NS	53%	65	30	27	8	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Effin NS 1	55%	152	83	68	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Effin NS 2	55%	314	173	141	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Bilboa NS	57%	293	165	126	2	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Doon CBS 1	77%	195	150	44	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Doon CBS 2	55%	361	195	162	4	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Bruff NS 1	60%	358	213	144	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Bruff NS 2	61%	252	150	97	5	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Bruff NS 3	49%	284	139	142	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Bruree NS 1	58%	383	218	157	8	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Bruree NS 2	59%	395	232	160	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Martinstown NS	54%	182	96	81	5	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Knocklong NS 1	58%	419	240	177	2	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Knocklong NS 2	57%	254	142	105	7	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Caherline NS	60%	358	212	144	2	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Cloverfield NS	49%	214	104	108	2	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Caherconlish NS 1	66%	400	264	135	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Caherconlish NS 2	57%	344	195	146	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Herbertstown NS	56%	373	204	163	6	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Cappamore Comm Ctr 1	55%	340	175	142	23	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Cappamore Comm Ctr 2	53%	310	165	144	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Murroe NS 1	57%	419	237	181	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Murroe NS 2	57%	470	266	201	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Murroe NS 3	67%	419	279	140	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Knockadea NS	45%	84	38	46	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Glenroe Parish Hall	58%	222	116	83	23	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Dromin Comm Ctr	56%	263	145	115	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Glenbrohane NS	52%	170	88	81	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Knockea NS	59%	224	133	91	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
P’green Comm Ctr 1	54%	323	169	146	8	Cappamore-Kilmallock
P’green Comm Ctr 2		0	0	0	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Hospital NS 1	45%	332	150	182	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Hospital NS 2	52%	266	136	125	5	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilbehenny NS	50%	216	108	106	2	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilfinane Pr Sch 1	64%	270	171	97	2	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilfinane Pr Sch 2	65%	262	170	91	1	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Ballyorgan NS	55%	139	72	60	7	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilteely NS	53%	268	140	125	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Knockainey NS		0	0	0	0	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Oola NS 1	51%	323	163	154	6	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Oola NS 2	50%	288	143	142	3	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Garrydoolis NS	46%	146	66	78	2	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Meanus Comm Ctr	55%	219	119	98	2	Adare-Rathkeale
Adare NS 1	59%	398	233	162	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Adare NS 2	58%	431	248	179	4	Adare-Rathkeale
Adare NS 3	58%	371	213	155	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Askeaton NS 1	56%	355	197	157	1	Adare-Rathkeale
Askeaton NS 2	54%	311	167	144	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Foynes NS 1	49%	272	131	139	2	Adare-Rathkeale
Foynes NS 2	51%	283	143	136	4	Adare-Rathkeale
Ballingarry NS 1	57%	162	92	70	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Ballingarry NS 2	52%	201	102	94	5	Adare-Rathkeale
Ballingarry NS 3	48%	207	97	104	6	Adare-Rathkeale
Rathkeale GNS 1	46%	331	150	177	4	Adare-Rathkeale
Rathkeale GNS 2	46%	246	113	131	2	Adare-Rathkeale
Rathkeale GNS 3	58%	222	125	92	5	Adare-Rathkeale
Coolcappa Comm Ctr 1	53%	256	133	120	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Coolcappa Comm Ctr 2	59%	281	165	116	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Caherelly NS 1	65%	380	248	132	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Caherelly NS 2	58%	475	275	199	1	Adare-Rathkeale
Caherelly NS 3	64%	169	99	56	14	Cappamore-Kilmallock
Kilfinny NS	49%	344	169	173	2	Adare-Rathkeale
Banogue NS	46%	170	76	91	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Kildimo NS 1	63%	413	259	152	2	Adare-Rathkeale
Kildimo NS 2	61%	362	218	142	2	Adare-Rathkeale
Ballysteen NS	49%	201	98	100	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Pallaskenry NS 1	58%	365	208	152	5	Adare-Rathkeale
Pallaskenry NS 2	59%	353	205	141	7	Adare-Rathkeale
Granagh NS	53%	211	111	100	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Croom NS 1	51%	216	101	97	18	Adare-Rathkeale
Croom NS 2	62%	220	135	82	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Croom NS 3	51%	331	168	163	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Croom NS 4	56%	126	71	55	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Croagh NS 1	54%	298	159	135	4	Adare-Rathkeale
Croagh NS 2	55%	324	165	133	26	Adare-Rathkeale
Kilcolman NS	55%	230	123	100	7	Adare-Rathkeale
Ballyhahill NS	57%	181	103	78	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Fedamore NS 1	60%	240	141	95	4	Adare-Rathkeale
Fedamore NS 2	51%	214	109	105	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Kilcornan NS	59%	428	247	173	8	Adare-Rathkeale
Crecora NS	51%	433	219	211	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Loghill NS	52%	173	85	79	9	Adare-Rathkeale
Cappagh (Nant) NS	53%	381	201	177	3	Adare-Rathkeale
Shanagolden NS 1	62%	166	102	63	1	Adare-Rathkeale
Shanagolden NS 2	50%	234	116	118	0	Adare-Rathkeale
Shanagolden NS 3	59%	198	116	81	1	Adare-Rathkeale
Ashford NS	51%	139	70	68	1	Newcastle
Raheenagh NS	46%	159	73	84	2	Newcastle
Ballyagran NS	53%	400	208	184	8	Newcastle
Kilmeedy NS	49%	262	126	132	4	Newcastle
Cloncagh Library	49%	293	139	147	7	Newcastle
Broadford Comm Ctr 1	49%	247	120	124	3	Newcastle
Broadford Comm Ctr 2	47%	262	122	138	2	Newcastle
Mahoonagh NS 1	50%	341	159	160	22	Newcastle
Mahoonagh NS 2	56%	225	125	98	2	Newcastle
Dromcollogher NS	43%	413	173	230	10	Newcastle
Feenagh NS	56%	297	165	132	0	Newcastle
Knockaderry Comm H	48%	263	124	134	5	Newcastle
Courtney BNS NCW 1	54%	386	207	178	1	Newcastle
Courtney BNS NCW 2	55%	323	174	145	4	Newcastle
Courtney BNS NCW 3	55%	343	187	156	0	Newcastle
Courtney BNS NCW 4	52%	224	104	96	24	Newcastle
Scoil Iosaf NCW 1	59%	343	199	139	5	Newcastle
Scoil Iosaf NCW 2	62%	310	191	115	4	Newcastle
Scoil Iosaf NCW 3	65%	327	211	114	2	Newcastle

There are 6 days to go until Ireland votes whether to allow same-sex marriage.

The Limerick branch of the YesEquality campaign have been out knocking on doors every weeknight since 9th April. I’ve probably made it out for just over a third of those nights. I am by no means the most prolific, many more have been out more often than I have.

We usually meet at 6pm, after a brief set of introductions and a run through talking points, we head out and knock on doors. Anybody new is warmly welcomed and paired up with someone who has canvassed before. For 2 hours we knock on doors around an estate in Limerick City. About a half of people won’t be in or won’t feel like coming to the door. For the other half we get to have a conversation.

That conversation will go a number of different ways but overwhelmingly it is respectful. If someone comes to the door, invariably we apologise for bothering them. Whether a voter indicates that they are voting yes, or voting no, or are undecided, we ask them if they have any questions or concerns. And at the end of the conversation we thank them for their time.

I have witnessed the incredible strength and dignity of my fellow canvassers as they knock, smile, and ask; night after night. Most people, whether they are voting yes or no, are absolutely lovely. A small proportion are not. But I’m proud to say that I’ve not heard of one canvasser losing their cool. Think of how you would feel to knock on a stranger’s door to ask them for something that you desperately needed, only for them to call you abnormal, or unnatural. Even though this doesn’t happen very often, the fact that it always gets answered with ‘well sorry to bother you and thanks for taking the time to talk to me’ fills me with awe at my fellow canvassers strength and dignity.

I’m a little shy, and even though I have canvassed before as a member of the Green Party, it’s not something that comes naturally to me. I think most of my fellow canvassers are the same: the organisation of this campaign has been remarkably free of ego, we’re not the type of people who are naturally inclined to shout from the rooftops, but we’re at your door because we want to ask, as respectfully as possible, for your vote.

There are times in your life when you make a lot of friends: when you start school or college, your work, or maybe a sport or hobby that you like to do with others. I’m old enough to have finished my education, I run a very small company, and most of my hobbies are fairly solitary, so I never thought that I would have one of those moments where I would make a lot of friends.

But I think and hope that I have. I have met so many absolutely wonderful people over the past 6 weeks. They have reminded me that marriage is not just about love for your spouse, but about the friends beside you who enrich and support that relationship.

As I write this I am tired and sunburnt, my house is a mess, my feet have blisters and I haven’t seen my wife properly in a month (I am not unique – the irony of a marriage referendum campaign putting extreme stress on so many marriages and hoped-for-marriages is not lost on any of us…). But I think of my new friends, and I am incredibly grateful for the opportunity to meet such a wonderful set of people.

This referendum is going to be very close. Despite what the polls say, I’ve knocked on enough doors to realise that nothing can be taken for granted.

The enemy of equality is not prejudice. The enemy of equality is complacency.

Please vote yes.

Irish voters will be asked on May 22nd 2015 if they want to allow equal access to marriage for all its citizens.

Many people are complacent that this referendum will pass with a huge majority.

I think they’re wrong.

A low turnout, coupled with the fact that people who are against marriage equality are very likely to vote, would result in a win for the No side.

With that in mind, I joined the first door-to-door canvass of the Limerick Yes Equality campaign this evening.

Research shows that the primary thing that changes voters minds is being canvassed.

The weather was glorious, we had a lovely group of people canvassing, and our message that a Yes vote couldn’t be taken for granted was getting a positive reception with people.

Four of us had canvassing experience (two of us were from the Green Party, one from Labour, and one who had canvassed for an Independent candidate), and so we paired off with people who were knocking on doors for the very first time.

Normally I wouldn’t be conscious of peoples’ sexual orientation, but this time it was different.  It was different because those of us who were straight were simply doing some campaigning on a political issue.

The people in our group who are gay were asking people for permission to have the right to get married.

That seems wrong to me.  They shouldn’t have to ask.  Those of us that already have the right to marry should be working as hard as we can to ensure our gay friends, brothers and sisters have the same right.

So even if you think the marriage equality referendum doesn’t directly affect you, please think about joining your local canvassing team for the Yes Equality campaign. If you’re in Limerick, a quick email to [email protected] will get a quick response.  If you live elsewhere in Ireland, you can find your local group at https://www.yesequality.ie/yes-equality-map/

The day I got married was the happiest day of my life.  I passionately believe in marriage, and being married has been a consistent and powerful force for good in my life.

Those of us who have the right to get married need to step up to the plate and go door to door on behalf of those who don’t have that right.

 

 

 

I’m going to a party tonight.

Friends of ours in Limerick are having a party tonight. A young couple, just about to buy their own house. They are successful in their careers, are active in helping to make Limerick a better place. My wife and I are lucky to be friends with them. We were delighted when they came back from holiday recently and announced they were engaged. There’s not much to be cheerful about these days, but two fantastic people looking to commit their lives to each other is surely something to be celebrated.

Except they can’t.

Two people in love, people of integrity, intelligence and a deep-rooted commitment to making their communities better. Two people in love looking to get married.

Except they can’t.

They can’t because we as a society seem to believe because they are of the same gender, they are less equal than heterosexual couples and can’t get married.

I’m a bit ashamed that I live in a society where some couples are less equal than me and my wife. And it’s about time we changed that.

I’ve read a lot of arguments on why we should continue to discriminate against gay couples. I know that some religious people have a difficulty with gay marriage, but I would respectfully suggest that religious beliefs, even when they are in a majority, are not a licence to discriminate against our fellow citizens.

There are two other arguments that I wanted to touch on however, and they both centre around children.

The first is that marriage is primarily about children, therefore gay people shouldn’t be allowed to get married. This argument pushes my buttons a bit because I am in a marriage where we cannot have children, and I would be extremely upset if anyone insinuated that my marriage was in any way less valid than my friends’ just because we don’t have kids. The love I have for my wife and my commitment to my marriage is no less strong because we can’t have kids, and I think it’s faintly ridiculous to view marriage purely in terms of reproduction.

The second is that kids suffer if they don’t have a mummy and a daddy. It’s true that kids can be cruel to each other some times. And some kids, no doubt picking up on the intolerance of their parents, may tease kids whose circumstances are that little bit different to their own. I remember being about six or seven and having stones thrown at me on the way home from school with the words “Proddy” followed by epithets that seven year-olds probably shouldn’t have been using. But the concept that we might stop members of the Church of Ireland, like my parents, from getting married because of the possible reaction from some County Limerick yokels is surely ridiculous. And it’s a cheap trick to use children as an argument to promote intolerance.

It’s no longer conscionable that we continue to discriminate against gay couples. The restriction of marriage to heterosexual couples is an embarrassing anachronism. I hope that my friends, and gay couples around the country, do not have to wait for too much longer before they are allowed to get married.

Every Tuesday evening I volunteer with the St. Vincent de Paul, giving leaving certificate Maths grinds to secondary school students in Moyross, Limerick.  It’s been ten years since I last taught in a classroom setting and it’s a nice reminder of the buzz you get when teaching, getting to witness that ‘aha’ moment when one of the students grasps a concept.

Moyross is an area known to many Irish people as one of the most disadvantaged areas in Ireland and the statistics bear this out: according to the Census 2011 Small Area data, the area around Corpus Christi primary school where I go to give the grinds has well over 50% unemployment, nearly 80% of families have only one parent, and less than 5% of adults have a third level eduction [1].  Yet despite the fact that many people from Limerick would never venture this direction it’s actually quite a pleasant place to stroll through: one of the few places you would ever see kids kicking a ball around on the street for example.

Teaching for two hours a week in Moyross isn’t going to drastically change the education landscape, granted, but for me it’s an important contribution.  The culture of ‘grinds’ is well-embedded in the Irish education system, and it’s almost compulsory to get some form of extra tuition to help you through your leaving cert.  This works well for kids who have parents wealthy enough to pay for it (and, anecdotally, many working teachers seem happy to accept payment in cash for this work without bothering the taxman), but for kids who don’t have access to wealthy parents, it puts them at an immediate disadvantage.  I used to rent a house in Dublin where over 75% of my neighbours had a third level education: again the equivalent statistic for the area around the primary school where I teach is less than 5%.  It’s sad to think that our system might be serving to maintain or even widen that gap, rather than close it.

It would be naive to assume that there are easy solutions here, but it’s always struck me that we’ve never managed to have a good discussion about education in this country.  We spend a lot of time talking about inputs (e.g. teacher’s salaries, class sizes and the size of the education budget), but little time thinking about educational outputs and outcomes.  Focusing on our standardised test results in literacy, numeracy and science might be a start.  The 2009 OECD PISA report (results of a standardised test of 15 year-olds across 65 countries) ranks Ireland 21st out of 65 for reading, 32 out of 65 for maths, and 20 out of 65 for science (data taken from this PDF report, from the table on page 15).  Perhaps not extremely shabby, but not exactly wonderful either, especially for a small society hoping to get out of a recession through reaping the benefits of the knowledge economy.

One of our problems is that the debate about education in Ireland is mostly about the producers (i.e. the teachers) rather than the consumers (i.e. the students).  Not that I’m trying to apply some third-rate business thinking to our education system, it’s just that when most of the discussion about education comes from teacher’s unions, who for good reason are concerned primarily about their members’ pay and conditions, we end up missing the point a bit. I don’t have an irrational hatred for the teaching profession or their trade unions – for the record I think the teaching unions do a great job in advocating for their members (indeed, their professional approach makes me think that we’re not making the best of the organising ability of some of our best teachers…), I just think we as a society need to shift the debate a bit on to how we can improve educational outcomes for all our children, but particularly those who live in the country’s most disadvantaged areas.

When I was in first year in college, I shared with an American, Tim, who is now president of TNTP, an American non-profit which focuses on working “with schools, districts and states to provide excellent teachers to the students who need them most and advance policies and practices that ensure effective teaching in every classroom”.  I’d love to see a similar organisation in Ireland, advocating for more effective teaching, including better teacher evaluation systems.  Another innovation across the water that I’d love to see in Ireland is Teach for America, a programme which recruits graduates (mostly from the top Ivy League schools – competition is fierce to get in) to teach for two years in inner-city schools.

I did supply teaching for a few months in Ireland before I headed off to Ghana to do volunteer work for two years – I loved the teaching but it was the atmosphere in the staff room which put me off any notions I had of training to be a teacher when I returned from Africa.  It wasn’t just that I was the only one with a lesson plan and a scheme of work, but the pervasive atmosphere of cynicism and unprofessionalism put me off.  My heart goes out to committed teachers who have to put up with that every day.

The kids that I teach every week in Moyross are great, they’re eager, intelligent, funny, and ambitious for their future.  Teaching them makes me optimistic about the future.  I only hope we can give them the education system they deserve to fulfil their potential.

[1] – see http://maps.pobal.ie – you’ll need a Silverlight plugin and a few hours to waste – really this is nerdvana for stats-minded political people…